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Re: MAX concert in Munich Jewish Festival, Nov 17
- From: Spudicmikhl <Spudicmikhl...>
- Subject: Re: MAX concert in Munich Jewish Festival, Nov 17
- Date: Fri 02 Nov 2001 04.47 (GMT)
In a message dated 11/1/2001 6:41:34 PM Eastern Standard Time,
Elkahn (at) JTSA(dot)EDU writes:
> "I don't know enough about Orff's politics, but for him to claim he was a
> member of the "White Rose" resistance movement was certainly a whopper.
> It's doubtful anyone who resisted the Nazis would remain under their
> employ--or alive. Just look at the case of church composer Hugo Distler,
> who was associated with the Bonhoffer (and Dohnanyi) Lutheran resistance
> crowd. The Nazis effectively killed the Lutheran resistance movement ca.
> 1937-38. Distler had to leave his church job after--if I recall
> correctly--his church was closed and the leading Resistance clergy arrested
> (and killed). Eventually Distler would kill himself ca. 1942, after
> considerable Nazi party harassment that inevitably recruited him as a tank
> commander . (This is all to the best of my recollection; it's been a few
> years.) " From Elliot Kahn's last response to the list.
>
With further adherence to the topic initiated by a klezmer gig in
Munich and all the sparks set forth therewith, let me take a moment at the
outset to wish Lori Lippitz and ensemble a great concert on November 17th,
wish I could be there!
Now if I may suggest a further trope on all the interesting
information offered above. Much food for thought can be found in another
study by an author mentioned earlier by Lee Friedman. My reference is to
"The Twisted Muse - Musicans and Their Music in the Third Reich" by Michael
H. Kater (Oxford, 1997). Kater presents a tremendous amount of detail
concerning German musical luminaries, such as Orff and Distler. They and a
host of other mainstream musical figures are presented against a Nazi German
backdrop. Kater poses crucial questions concerning the intersect between
music and politics, culture and ideology.
He is not so kindly disposed towards Distler, pointing out that when
he committed suicide in 1942, the "Zeitschrift fuer Musik" (as music history
buffs will recall, founded by Robert Schumann, but in 1942, ideologically
suffering in Nazi hands as a propaganda organ) referred to Distler as "a
strong talent," deplored his loss, and as Kater further points out "the
Hitler Youth Thomaner-Chor of Leipzig sang his hymns in his memory." Perhaps
this might be considered circumstancial evidence that does not persuade one
way or the other. However, I find Kater convincing in his conclusion that
"Distler may have been crushed between the demands of the Nazi state and
loyalty to his Protestant faith, for he could not serve both."
Furthermore, Kater spends several pages discussing the complex
situation of Carl Orff, chastising that as he was "extremely conscious of
his need to conceal his partly Jewish ancestry from the authorites, ... had
already decided to accomodate himself to a regime that at heart he detested."
Kater further explores Orff as a composer rooted in Bavarian soil to such
a degree that he refused an opportunity to leave Germany as late as 1938. An
offer to assist him to leave Nazi Germany was made by a student of his,
Newell Jenkins, who had important connections in the United States. I tend
to agree with Michael Kater, that if Orff were so "democratic-minded,"
(intended "Gebrauchsmusik" spoon-fed to the often gullible ears of a post-war
American military government that gave a pass to the likes of a Herbert von
Karajan) he would have either chosen a path of "inner emigration" or voted
with his feet and left Germany altogether. He chose to do neither. Meaning
he chose to remain artistically relevant within the deviant political
constraints of national socialism.
Undoubtedly, we remain at an impasse, heralding Orff's artistic
relevance while I think importantly spotlighting the way this creative genius
subsumed himself politically into the Nazi German maelstrom. I am reminded
of another Bavarian, the writer Oskar Maria Graf, someone who openly
criticized the Nazis from the start, and paid for this with early banishment
from Germany, already in 1933, and this due to Graf's response to the
infamous "Book Burning." Graf sent a letter of protest to a German
newspaper, a letter that was reprinted innumerable times around the world and
even encapsulated in a poem by Bertolt Brecht (see "Verbrennt Mich!"
reprinted in "An Manchen Tagen - Reden, Gedanken und Zeitbetrachtungen,
Frankfurt am Main, Nest Verlag, 1961) . Graf bravely challenged the Nazis in
his open letter, referring to "barbaric national socialism;" speaking of the
(here a rough paraphrase of the German) "inextinguishable German spirit, that
will remain as eternally immutable as the shame that will henceforth mark the
deranged souls of these bands of murderers who burn books." As opposed to
Orff's choice to remain politically silent, it is not surprising that
opinionated Graf, just as steeped and rooted in Bavaria, paid the price for
his political impertinence. No doubt, as a result of his contentious but
more ethically principled stance, Graf wound up in American exile, alienated
from the land of his artistic roots to the end of his life.
In conclusion, all I mean to suggest are the painful choices an artist
must face when creating in an imperfect or indeed evil society. What
response: migration? "inner migration?" cooperation? coexistence? When it
comes to political responsibility and the artist, that "coat of arms" on a
Carl Orff will remain an imperfect fit. Especially when I am reminded of
people like Oskar Maria Graf, it makes it even harder to give such an easy
pass to the creator of "Carmina Burana," great composer and pedagogue that he
may have been.